Why
Shakespeare Sucks
or
The Most Lamentable
Tragedie Of William Shakespeare’s Play
Concerning Good King
Richard III Of
By Victoria Moorshead
John
Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, is reputed to have said, “I take my history
from Shakespeare.” However, William Shakespeare was not an historian, he was a
playwright; and this truth is nowhere more evident perhaps than in the Bard’s
eponymous historical play about the fifteenth-century king Richard III. This play
is littered with historical errors, omissions, and oversights.
The
character Richard III, or Gloucester as he is often
referred to, appears in three of Shakespeare’s works, Henry VI, Parts II and III, and The Tragedy of Richard III. In the first of these three plays, Richard,
although given little time on stage, manages to commit his first Shakespearean
crime, the murder of the Duke of Somerset at the Battle of St. Albans, which
occurred in May 1455, when Richard would have been just two-and-a-half-years
old. Interestingly, in the summary of Richard’s crimes at the end of
Shakespeare’s Richard III,
In
Henry VI, Part III, Richard’s appearance is longer and deadlier.
Shakespeare’s Richard plots to kill John, the ninth baron Clifford, one of
Henry VI’s men, during the Battle of Towton, but fails to deliver the deadly
blow before Clifford is fatally wounded by others. Clifford actually died at
the Battle of Ferrybridge, which occurred the day before Towton on
Richard’s
“failure” to kill Margaret haunts him throughout Shakespeare’s Richard III, as
Margaret takes on the role of grim prophetess and harbinger of doom. In truth,
after her defeat at the Battle of Tewkesbury in 1471, Margaret was under
virtual house arrest until Louis XI of
In
Shakespeare’s Richard III, which begins with the arrest of Clarence in
1478, Margaret is not only in England but also at liberty. She makes the most
of her time on stage, cursing Edward, the then-Prince of Wales, the other
children of Queen Elizabeth, Elizabeth herself, Rivers, Dorset, Hastings,
Buckingham, and Richard (act I, scene iii) to unbearable sorrows, betrayals,
and untimely ends. Shakespeare makes Margaret present in the England of Richard
to rail at the Yorkists and remind the audience of the past crimes that make
their present sufferings justified.[1]
Margaret’s
last appearance on stage (act IV, scene iv), which takes place after Richard’s
queen’s death in early 1485, where Richard woos the princess Elizabeth through
her mother, actually occurs three years after Margaret’s death.
The
Sources For Richard III
Regrettably,
there are few contemporary native sources for Richard’s reign[2],
so Shakespeare drew from the works of the Tudor historians.
The
genealogy of Shakespeare’s main sources is clear; in the beginning, John
Morton, archbishop of Canterbury and cardinal, trusted advisor to Henry VII and
enemy of Richard, was the patron of Thomas More, the author of The History Of King Richard The Third, first written in 1513, but
published posthumously in the 1540s. More, who was only seven years old at the
time of Richard’s defeat at
Polydore Vergil,
who arrived in England 17 years after the Battle of Bosworth Field and a friend
of More, was the official chronicler for Henry VII.
Vergil began writing his Anglicia Historia in 1507, and it was to become
required reading in English schools in 1582. More’s and Vergil’s works in turn
begat Edward Hall’s The Union
Of The Two Noble And Illustrate Famelies Of Lancastre And York, published
in 1548. Next, More, Vergil, and Hall inspired Raphael Holinshed’s Chronicles Of
The
lineage of Shakespeare’s sources is clearly shown in the council meeting where
Hastings’ duplicity is revealed. More wrote that Richard said to More’s patron Morton, “My lord, you have verye good
strawberries in your gardyne in Holborne. I require you to let us have a mess
of them.” Shakespeare in turn rendered this line “my lord of Ely, when I was
last in Holborn, I saw good strawberries in your garden there; I do beseech you
send for some of them.”[6]
As
Paul Murray Kendall states, while the Tudor chroniclers made up the minds of
subsequent historians about Richard, Shakespeare has made up the imagination of
everybody else.[7]
If
Henry were indeed murdered, it would not have been unusual for Richard to be
present at the execution given his duties as Constable of England. It would
have been Richard’s responsibility to deliver the warrant from Edward IV as
only a monarch could legally order the regicide of another.[10]
In
May 1471, the month of both Edward of Lancaster’s and Henry VI’s deaths,
Richard was third in line for the throne, after the new-born Prince of Wales
(who would certainly not be the last child of his parents’ union) and after
Clarence, who was recently married.
Shakespeare’s
Richard III opens with Richard planning the fratricide of his older
brother Clarence, and by the end of the first act, Clarence is dead, killed by
two murderers hired by Richard. Edward IV, in truth, was responsible, as he
brought charges against Clarence for slander, for preparing for a new rebellion
and for receiving oaths of allegiance to Clarence and his heirs. These charges
were brought before parliament by Edward in January of 1478.[11]
The bill of attainder was passed by both houses of parliament and Clarence was
executed privately, as befitting a son of the royal blood, on
Ironically,
the personalities of Clarence and Richard in Shakespeare’s opus are reversed
from what they were in truth. In life, Clarence was duplicitous, violent,
self-seeking, etc., but in the play, Clarence is portrayed as a martyr, his
crimes are distilled to the plain and simple letter G, his previous rebellions,
audacity and plotting are overlooked.
Richard
was indeed responsible for the deaths of the Woodville conspirators Rivers,
Grey, and Vaughan. The Woodville attempt in the late spring of 1483 to have
Prince Edward of York crowned and Richard’s position as Lord Protector reduced
to a mere title, resulted in the deaths of the three for treason at Pontefract
castle, or as Shakespeare has his characters call it, Pomfret. Shakespeare does
not mention Richard Haute, who was also executed for his part in the Woodville
conspiracy. However, More does not mention Haute
either, so the execution was probably ignored by subsequent Tudor historians
due to More’s omission.
William
Hastings was executed in June 1483 for conspiring against Richard. Richard’s
elevation of Buckingham to power supplanted Hastings, who had enjoyed the same
privileges under Edward IV.[12]
This led
According
to Shakespeare, the next victims of Richard were the little princes. So much
controversy surrounds the princes that even More, Richard’s most vocal
detractor, had his reservations. More stated that many in that time remained in
doubt about whether or not the princes had been destroyed in Richard’s reign.[14]
However, Shakespeare does not mince Richard’s words; he announces to
Buckingham, “I wish the bastards dead” (act IV, scene ii). The
fates of the princes; when, where and by whom they died, or if they outlived
their paternal uncle are unknown.
Next,
Shakespeare’s Richard muses at
the beginning of the play of Anne Neville that, “I’ll have her; but I will not
keep her long” (act I, scene ii). Both More and Vergil state that Richard
caused rumours to spread during Anne’s life that she was dead, and shortly
after the rumours began, Anne did indeed die.[16],
[17]
In several ways, Anne’s role in the play is just to demonstrate another facet
of Richard’s perversity. Surprisingly, Shakespeare doesn’t make much of Anne’s
death in that it does not send shockwaves throughout the plot except that her
death frees Richard to marry his niece Elizabeth. Today, it is believed that
Anne suffered from tuberculosis, which is contagious, and the Croyland
Chronicle reports that doctors advised Richard to avoid Anne’s bed.[18]
In
the penultimate scene of Henry VI, Part III, as Richard kills Henry VI,
he reveals that he will do away with his brothers and secure the throne for
himself, and from the opening scene of Richard III, Shakespeare’s
Richard continues with his plots and whittles away at the line of succession
until he attains the throne.
More
stated that Richard “long time in King Edward [IV]’s life, forethought to be
king”[20],
however, two months after Edward’s death, government was still being carried
out in the name of his son Edward V.
It
was in June of that year, that evidence of Edward IV’s precontract was
revealed. Richard’s seizure of the throne was necessary, given that his nephew,
the as-yet-to-be crowned king, was found to be illegitimate by the evidence of
a bishop, a man of God. According to More, it was a
precontract with one of Edward’s mistresses, an Elizabeth Lucy – not Eleanor
Butler – which Richard used to declare his nephews illegitimate. Shakespeare goes
one step further by saying that it was a Lady Lucy and Bona of Savoy, sister of
Louis XI of France, who, in reality, was Louis’s sister-in-law. Additionally,
the actions of the Woodville clan in the days following Edward IV’s death
clearly indicate that they intended to make young Edward a Woodville puppet-
king, beyond the council of Richard, the Lord Protector.
According
to Jeremy Potter, Richard took, “the crown with widespread support and little
bloodshed…. Its constitutional validity apart, his assumption of the crown may
be judged as sensible and perhaps even inevitable.”[21]
Not
only does Shakespeare attribute a number of crimes to Richard of which he is
almost definitely innocent, but the play also contains other errors, omissions,
and oversights.
Shakespeare’s
Richard III opens with Clarence’s
arrest, which occurred in early 1478, yet the play moves back in time to 1471
in the next scene as Richard woos Anne at the funeral of Henry VI (the couple
married in 1472).
In
act I, scene i of Shakespeare’s Richard
III, Richard states, “I’ll marry Warwick’s youngest daughter. What though I
kill’d her husband and her father?” This statement is confusing as Shakespeare
clearly knows that Anne is
Also
in this scene, Edward of Lancaster is referred to as Anne’s husband. Anne was
betrothed to Edward and the marriage did not take place due to the prince’s
death in 1471.
The
creation of Richard as Lord Protector was added to Edward IV’s will only a few
days before Edward’s death and it appears that Richard was not aware of the
formal appointment until he received a note from Hastings who informed him of
his appointment as protector and urged him to secure the young king[22].
However in Shakespeare’s Richard III,
Incidentally,
Edward survived Clarence by more than five years, whereas Shakespeare makes the
announcement of Clarence’s death directly related to the cause of Edward’s
death. Still upon the subject of Clarence’s death, Robert Brackenbury did not
become Constable of the Tower until
Grey
and others refer to Lord Stanley as Derby (act I, scene iii), however, Stanley
did not become the Earl of Derby until Richmond, as Henry VII, made him so.
Additionally, William Stanley, Thomas’s brother and
In
the third scene of act I, Hastings says to Elizabeth that King Edward, “desires
to make atonement betwixt the Duke of Gloucester and your brothers” referring
to Rivers and Grey who are in the scene, however, Grey was Elizabeth’s son by
her first marriage, not her brother. Shakespeare remains ambiguous on the
relationship between Grey and Elizabeth throughout the play.
In
act II, scene iii, three citizens discuss the events unfolding in the play and
one remarks that Henry VI was crowned in Paris at nine months old. Henry’s
French coronation was in 1431, when he was 10 years old.
At
the end of act II, a messenger announces to Elizabeth and others that Rivers,
Grey, and Sir Thomas Vaughan are sent to Pomfret. The Woodville conspirators
were actually first detained at Sheriff Hutton and then moved to Pomfret/Pontefract only for their executions.
The
third act of Richard III weaves back
and forth in time, showing Shakespeare’s cavalier approach to chronology[23].
The scenes of act III – in true chronological order – begin with young Edward’s
arrival (scene i), then
In
Shakespeare’s Richard III, Buckingham assures young Edward that Julius
Caesar began construction on the Tower of London (act III, scene i). The
Act
IV opens with Elizabeth, the Duchess of York, Dorset, Anne, and Clarence’s
daughter Margaret trying to visit the princes who are lodged in the Tower of
London.
The
Duchess of York commits two errors in this same scene. She states “my niece
Plantagenet, led in the hand of her kind aunt of Gloucester” referring to
Margaret, her granddaughter, as her niece, additionally the Duchess states,
“Eighty odd years of sorrow have I seen” when she was in fact in her late
sixties at this time.
In
act IV, Shakespeare’s Richard states “The son of Clarence have I pent up close;
his daughter meanly have I match’d in marriage.” Edward, Earl of Warwick and
son of Clarence, was, at one time, the heir apparent after the death of
Richard’s son. It does appear that Edward was detained by Richard, but Richard
previously had treated the earl well and his imprisonment was due to the plots
of Richard’s enemies surrounding Edward that led Richard to detain his nephew.[24]
Margaret, Clarence’s daughter, was married in 1494, nine years after Bosworth,
to Richard Pole, son of Margaret Beaufort’s half-sister.
In
act IV, scene iv, Elizabeth accuses Richard of, “the
dire death of my two sons and brothers”. Richard was responsible for only one
of
Shakespeare’s
Richard’s romancing of his niece Elizabeth is also inaccurate. When rumours of
Richard’s interest in
The
year 1484 and the early part of 1485 are glossed over in the play as the
princes’ alleged deaths in the summer of 1483 and Anne’s death in early 1485
(act IV, scene iii) are treated as having happened within days of one another
and Buckingham’s rebellion and his subsequent execution in November 1483 at the
beginning of act V is immediately followed by Richmond’s invasion of August
1485.
In
Shakespeare’s Richard III, the central character’s physical
characteristics bear a strong resemblance to a fifteenth-century Quasimodo.
Richard states;
But I, that am not
shaped for sportive tricks,
Nor made to court an
amorous looking-glass;
I,
that
am rudely stamp’d, and want love’s majesty
To strut before a
wanton ambling nymph;
I, that am curtail’d
of this fair proportion,
Cheated of feature by
dissembling nature,
Deformed, unfinish’d,
sent before my time
Into this breathing
world, scarce half made up, (act I, scene i)
It
is stated by a few contemporary accounts (and some neglect the issue of his
appearance) that Richard was physically deformed, one shoulder being higher
than the other. However several contemporary sources comment on Richard’s
strength and ability in wielding weapons which would be difficult to do with a
severe physical deformity. There is even the theory that his physical deformity
resulted from becoming so skilled with weapons that one side of his body became
more muscular as a result. The fact that sources cannot agree on which shoulder
was higher shows that there were few accurate accounts of the monarch, least of
all Shakespeare’s one.
To
conclude the matter of Richard’s appearance, the diary of Nicolas von Poppelau,
a Silesian knight, who visited England in 1484, reported that “Richard was
three fingers taller than [Poppelau] but a little thinner and not so thickset,
also much more lean; he had delicate arms and legs, also a great heart.”[26]
This description is of note as Poppelau was a foreigner and had little to gain
by making a flattering portrait, so why not tell the truth.
Richmond’s
usurpation of the throne had to be justified; to do that for his audience,
Shakespeare had to portray Richard as the embodiment of evil, Richard had to be
the polar opposite of Richmond – to misquote the Bard, Shakespeare
was determined to prove Richard a villain.
According to Caroline A. Halsted;
The earliest printed chronicles relating to
the period under consideration were not published until after the accession of
the Tudor dynasty, when it was the interest of the writers to secure popularity
by aspersing the character of Richard III and perpetuating every report that
could strengthen the cause of the reigning sovereign and justify the deposal
and death of his rival.[27]
Richard
is unique in Shakespeare’s works; he is evil, pure and unadulterated. He is
untouched by tragedy or beauty, and not until it is too late, the last night of
his scarred existence on earth, and the last of his wicked deeds is finished,
is he shown to have a shred of conscience. Shakespeare’s Richard is not human;
his twisted mind matches his twisted body, both of which are a poor cast of a
human. What Shakespeare’s Richard lacks in pathos, he “makes up” in villainy.
The
play Richard III is a culmination of
a growing and twisting horror, Shakespeare’s Richard kills off the characters
stained by the lingering guilt of the Wars of the Roses, purging the kingdom to
make it ready for the Tudors.[28]
Innocence is revenged by
In
conclusion, it is precisely because of Shakespeare’s enduring popularity and
continuing importance that the facts and the truth behind the play must
continue to be examined. For many people, Shakespeare’s Richard III is the only exposure that they have to the king and the
surrounding legends of the period. As Horace Walpole wrote, Shakespeare’s
immortal scenes will exist, when such poor arguments as his (and ours) will be
forgotten, while on stage, before audiences, Richard will be tried and executed
as his defence remains on some obscure shelf of a library.[29]
As Samuel Johnson said in Mr. Johnson’s Preface To His Edition Of
Shakespear’s Plays (1765) of Shakespeare, he “sacrifices virtue
to convenience, and is so much more careful to please than to instruct.”
[1] Phyllis Rackin. Stages Of
History: Shakespeare’s English Chronicles.
[2]
Roxane C. Murph. Richard III: The Making Of A
Legend.
[3]
P.W. Hammond. “The Reputation of Richard III” in Richard III: A Medieval
Kingship. John Gillingham (ed.).
[4]
Peter Ackroyd. The Life Of Thomas More.
[5]
Louis B. Wright (ed.). The Tragedy Of Richard The Third By William Shakespeare.
[6]
Caroline Halsted. Richard III, (Volume II).
[7]
Paul Murray Kendall (ed.). Richard III: The Great
Debate.
[8]
Anthony Cheetham. The Life And Times Of Richard III.
[9]
Thomas More. “The History Of King Richard The Third”
in Richard III: The Great Debate. Paul Murray Kendall (ed.).
[10] Richard III Society Speakers’ Notes, 1988, page #12.
[11] “George, duke of Clarence” Encyclopaedia Britannica CD-ROM (2002).
[12] Murph. Richard III, page
#21.
[13] Ibid, page #22.
[14] Ibid, Richard III, page #46.
[15] Paul Murray Kendall. Richard III.
[16] More. “The History Of King Richard The Third”, page #129.
[17] Polydore Vergil. Three Books Of Polydore Vergil’s English History Comprising The Reigns Of Henry VI, Edward IV And Richard III. Henry Ellis (ed.). Camden Society, 1844, page #152.
[18] Richard III Society, page #14.
[19]
[20] More. “The History Of King Richard The Third”, page #36.
[21]
Jeremy Potter. Good King Richard? London: Constable, 1983, page #36.
[22] Murph. Richard III, page
#16.
[23]
John Julius Norwich. Shakespeare’s Kings.
Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1999, page #357.
[24] Horace
Walpole. “Historic Doubts On The Life And Reign Of
King Richard The Third” in Richard III: The Great Debate. Paul Murray
Kendall (ed.).
[25]
E.F. Jacob. The
[26]
Dominic Mancini. The Usurpation Of Richard III. C.A.J.
Armstrong (ed).
[27] Halsted. Richard III, (Volume I), page #288.
[28] Rackin. Stages Of History, pages #64-65.
[29]